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title: "Reconsidering the Factors of Production" | ||
date: 2021-07-18 | ||
draft: false | ||
--- | ||
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The great tragedy of mainstream, neoclassical economics is that, | ||
in trying to transform the Classical political-economy of the 19th century | ||
into a more mathematical science of economics, it butchered its political and moral foundation. | ||
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It all started with a good idea - from Menger, Jevons, and Walras - | ||
of the subjective nature of value and the marginal utility of goods. | ||
The "marginal revolution", as we know it today, enabled supply and demand to be | ||
treated analytically with the tools of calculus, and for equations to be solved | ||
that maximize utility and minimize costs. This seemed to work well in | ||
isolated, simple circumstances, say the market for a particular commodity. | ||
But the techniques were rapidly applied to model more complex chains of | ||
production, and even entire economies. In doing so, the field got carried away in | ||
grossly insufficient, if not negligent, mathematical representations of the | ||
structures of production, and of the human and natural worlds that support them. | ||
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The insufficiency, and moral dereliction, of modern neoclassical economics is | ||
widely known and understood. Hence the growing prominence of so-called | ||
heterodox schools: Austrian, Ecological, Feminist, Georgist, Institutional, | ||
Post-Keynesian, etc. There are certainly truths in each of these. Perhaps we | ||
should be seeking a kind of heterodox synthesis. | ||
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## The Factors of Production | ||
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It seems to me, at least, that a great part of the trouble with economics | ||
lies in its conception of the factors of production themselves (land, labour, capital, etc.). | ||
We seem to be suffering from a largely incomplete social theory of these factors | ||
and their relationships to each other. | ||
Neoclassical economics has dramatically, if not immorally, oversimplified | ||
in its treatment of the factors. | ||
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Each heterodox school is in some sense associated with a critique of one or another factor | ||
(of course this is itself a simplification, each school surely having much to | ||
say about all the factors): | ||
the Georgists with Land, the Feminists and Institutionalists with Labour, | ||
the Austrians and Post-Keynesians with Capital (and also with Money) | ||
and the Ecological economists with Energy. | ||
Even the central bankers are calling bullshit on the neoclassical | ||
descriptions of money! | ||
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The factors of Land and Labour, the very substance of natural and | ||
human life, have been reduced to mere commodity - | ||
*fictitious commodities*, as Polanyi so aptly called them. | ||
We've known since the time of David Ricardo, and certainly since Henry George, | ||
that private property in Land is highly questionable, if not outright immoral. | ||
Indeed, private property in Land can only emerge through a kind of theft, if not worse, an outright | ||
ethnic cleansing or genocide. It was theft of Land that ravaged Europe during the | ||
enclosure movement, giving rise to a new class of "poor". | ||
And it was a veritable genocide of the Indigenous people that made the societies | ||
of Canada and the U.S. possible. This we must never forget. | ||
As for Labour, the ongoing pandemic has made apparent just how poorly our economic | ||
system values so-called "essential work". And the overwhelming Labour | ||
that sustains households barely even enters the economic discourse. | ||
It is indeed worth asking, [Who cooked Adam Smith's | ||
Dinner?](https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/23206098-who-cooked-adam-smith-s-dinner-a-story-about-women-and-economics). | ||
We can hardly begin to formulate a sound political-economy if we remain in denial of these truths. | ||
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Then there's the factor of Capital, which has been woefully misunderstood, | ||
and its theory stunted, at least since the Cambridge Capital Controversy died in | ||
the 1960s, if not since Hayek stopped working on it in 1940. The factor of | ||
Energy is largely excluded all together, or else included without any regard for the | ||
laws of thermodynamics. And the factor of Money, if it is not confused up with | ||
that of Capital, is hardly even considered a factor at all. No wonder mainstream | ||
economics has been so blind to the perils of climate change and to the risks | ||
inherent in the financial system! | ||
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Of course, the factors of production are themselves an abstraction, invented in | ||
the course of that throbbing historical revolution which wrestled | ||
markets from their underlying social fabric and subjugated society to economy, | ||
giving birth to The Market and Capitalism proper. But are we forever | ||
doomed to the lifeless treatment of these factors, which we have inherited over | ||
the decades and centuries? I surely hope not. | ||
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## A Reconsideration | ||
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It is high time for a reconsideration of the factors of production | ||
as a basis for a more sound political-economy. | ||
Such a reconsideration ought to be truer to the character of each factor, | ||
and to the relationships between them. No longer may the factors be taken to be mere commodities, | ||
simple inputs to a production function. Each factor is deserving of its own | ||
dedicated social theory, the foundation for which has been laid by the many | ||
heterodox schools. And surely, we cannot possibly hope to capture the | ||
complexities and impacts of our socioeconomies without including Energy and Money | ||
among the primary factors. | ||
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Notice that the factors appear to emerge phylogenetically out of each other, in order, | ||
beginning with Land, and proceeding with Labour, Capital, Energy, and Money. | ||
Higher order factors, in turn, feedback on lower-order ones, thereby | ||
transforming them. Labour transforms Land by way of hunting, agriculture, mining, etc. | ||
Capital, in its turn, transforms Labour, enabling it to employ tools and machinery, | ||
and thus to further transform the Land. Energy transforms Capital, from | ||
human-powered to fuel-powered and beyond, and thus further transforms the nature | ||
of Labour. And so on. | ||
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Each factor might be said to expand the scope of activity possible on Land in | ||
a new dimension by augmenting the prior factors. Land is itself the *material* basis of all. | ||
Labour enables refined mobility in *space*. Capital | ||
enables Labour to make trade-offs in *time*. Energy enables Capital to increase | ||
the scale of *energy* utilized. And Money, as we conceive it here (not just gold coins but | ||
a full blown modern banking system), enables *maturity transformation*, | ||
which facilitates the development of high energy capital. It is questionable | ||
whether it would even be possible to finance our high energy industry on savings | ||
alone were it not for maturity transformation. In this sense, we might consider | ||
Money to be the shadow cast by Capital under the light of Energy. We might also | ||
consider Money to have a similar relationship to Energy as Capital | ||
does to Labour - a kind of augmentation in *time*. | ||
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It is common in economics to state that the share of income is distributed | ||
across the factors, with rent to Land, wages to Labour, and interest to Capital. | ||
If Energy and Money are to be included, then, what is their share? | ||
First, in the tradition of Wicksell (on whose work both the Austrians and | ||
Keynesians have drawn heavily), it is helpful to distinguish between a capital-rate of | ||
interest (what Wicksell called the "natural" rate), and the money-rate of interest. | ||
The former being the rate of interest paid on capital lent in kind, the latter being the money interest we | ||
are used to. In practice, of course, it is money that is lent, and not capital, | ||
but the distinction will likely be paramount to a proper understanding, lest we | ||
lose sight of the meaning of interest itself. The base money-rate of interest may | ||
indeed be a simple policy variable (as the MMT crowd claims), but the | ||
capital-rate of interest is most certainly not. A modern theory coherently relating the two | ||
appears to remain an open problem. | ||
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And what about Energy? It is difficult to see a distinct share of income due to | ||
Energy in the manner of rent, wages, and interest. | ||
But what if instead of thinking of these as shares of income, we | ||
consider them as *costs*? Rent as the cost of employing Land, wages the cost of Labour, etc. | ||
The use of Energy surely has a cost - what might be called *entropy*. | ||
It is borne by all, earned by none. Ignorance of this cost lies at the heart of | ||
much of the world's unsustainable practices. | ||
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This conception is summarized in the table below: | ||
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| Factor | Dimension | Cost | Heterodox School | | ||
|-----------|---------------------------|-----------|--------------------| | ||
| Land | Matter | Rent | Georgist | ||
| Labour | Space | Wages | Feminist, Institutionalist | ||
| Capital | Time | Capital-interest | Austrian, Post-Keynesian | ||
| Energy | Energy | Entropy | Ecological | ||
| Money | Maturity Transformation | Money-interest | Austrian, Post-Keynesian | ||
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There is much more to be said about all of this - about the social theories | ||
proffered by each school, about the ways in which the factors transform | ||
each other (for instance, the way in which high Energy Capital interferes with | ||
the ability of Labour to provide for itself, a misery that plays out in the | ||
medium of Money), about the implications for a more grounded form of market | ||
society (for instance, perhaps we should be using a variety of Moneys, each | ||
tuned to the scale of Energy being employed), etc. But further analysis will be left to future writings. |